← 返回巴西资讯
巴西资讯巴西宏观市场

巴西新书提出三大挑战,财政调整需约GDP的4%

分享

Breaking free of Brazil’s low-growth trap

巴西经济学家与政治学家合编新书,提出巴西须克服安全、竞争力与财政三大障碍,并称稳定债务需约GDP 4%的财政调整。

巴西经济学家克里斯蒂娜·皮诺蒂(Cristina Pinotti)与政治学家路易斯·费利佩·达维拉(Luiz Felipe D'Avila)合编的新书《巴西无滤镜——拆除威胁安全、效率与竞争力的陷阱》提出,巴西要摆脱低增长陷阱,必须应对三项紧迫挑战:恢复安全、秩序与制度信心;提升经济竞争力与生产力;建设更高效、财政平衡的政府。书中前央行行长阿尔米尼奥·弗拉加(Arminio Fraga)与Insper研究员马科斯·门德斯(Marcos Mendes)撰文指出,稳定债务与GDP比率所需的财政调整约为GDP的4%。

该书汇集多位专家的文章,讨论公共财政严峻状况、改善司法系统、打击黑帮组织以及劳动力市场变化等议题。编者称,出书目的是汇集专家意见,回应“巴西在2027年下一届总统任期开始时将被迫进行的紧急改革”,并称该书受2024年9月意大利前总理、前欧洲央行行长马里奥·德拉吉(Mario Draghi)应欧盟委员会要求提出的“德拉吉计划”启发。

弗拉加与门德斯在书中写道,巴西面临支出的强劲实际增长,而财政规则无法产生必要的约束;提高本已高企的税负无法解决问题,因为支出增速快于收入,同时预算外机制被广泛用于增加支出。他们主张需要一揽子措施,初期财政影响超过GDP的1%,并在10年内实现接近GDP 4%的基本盈余;可信的措施将说服经济主体相信财政制度已改变,从而降低当前高利率、放缓债务增长。两人称根本起点是扭转支出的爆炸性轨迹,并点出养老金和社会救助支出占基本支出(不含利息)的一半,认为不能继续让社保养老金、福利以及BPC等社会救助福利随最低工资调整、每年大幅实际增长。

皮诺蒂撰文讨论打击黑帮组织,呼吁借鉴意大利经验制定反黑手党法律,并点名巴西本土黑帮PCC和CV。她援引2011年至2023年任意大利央行行长的伊尼亚齐奥·维斯科(Ignazio Visco)的话称,犯罪最重要的经济影响不在于犯罪组织产生的价值,而在于长期持续的影响——因犯罪蔓延造成的扭曲而未能生产的东西。

书中还就法律不确定性提出建议。巴西刑事辩护律师协会(Abracrim)主席罗伯托·德尔曼托·儒尼奥尔(Roberto Delmanto Júnior)提出六项改善司法系统的建议,包括改变总检察长和最高法院大法官的提名标准:总检察长应由总统从联邦检察署编制的三人名单中选任,候选人须在该机构服务30年;最高法院大法官须有至少30年职业经验,并按比例选任——三分之一来自高等法院法官,三分之一来自联邦和州上诉法院法官,六分之一来自检察署职业成员,六分之一来自私人执业律师。

律师安德烈·马西利亚(André Marsiglia)另撰文讨论司法改革,主张限制最高法院管辖权、使其聚焦解释宪法和处理最重大的宪法问题;通过固定且不可连任的任期和技术性、透明的提名标准推动高等法院去政治化;统一以择优标准改变高等法院构成、扩大职业经验多样性、定期轮换并禁止法官同时在多个法院任职;限制公职人员的特别管辖权。

最后一章由FGV-EESP的安德烈·波尔特拉(André Portela)撰写,提出在促进正规就业、职业培训与认证、就业安置服务、劳动者保护体系以及自雇者和微型企业主储蓄计划五个领域进行改革。

这条资讯对你有帮助吗?

信息概要

类型
政策法规
方向
巴西
分类
宏观市场
层级
编辑整理
话题
政策法律行业趋势
查看原文(英语)

Breaking free of Brazil’s low-growth trap

To escape the low-growth trap, Brazil must tackle three urgent challenges: restore security, order, and confidence in institutions; make the economy more competitive and productive; and build a more efficient, fiscally balanced government, according to “Brasil sem Filtro – Desarmando a Armadilha que Ameaça a Segurança, a Eficiência e a Competitividade” (“Brazil Unfiltered—Defusing the Trap Threatening Security, Efficiency and Competitiveness”). Edited by economist Cristina Pinotti and political scientist Luiz Felipe D’Avila, the book brings together essays on issues including the dire state of public finances, the importance of improving the judicial system, ways to combat mafia organizations, and changes in the labor market. The idea was to bring together experts to address the “urgent reforms that Brazil will be forced to undertake in 2027, when the next presidential term begins.” According to Pinotti and D’Avila, the book was inspired by the Draghi Plan, a set of proposals presented in September 2024 by former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi—also a former president of the European Central Bank (ECB)—at the European Commission’s request to improve Europe’s competitiveness. The book starts from the premise that Brazil must overcome three obstacles to achieve stronger growth. “First, we need to build a safe country where compliance with the law, predictable rules, legal certainty, and the fight against violence, corruption and organized crime are treated as essential to preserving order, restoring confidence in the law and rebuilding the credibility of democratic institutions,” Pinotti and D’Avila write. The second challenge is to foster a competitive and productive economy “in a healthy business environment where free-market rules prevail, the country is integrated into international value chains and the green economy is developed—helping drive fairer and more sustainable growth.” The third is to “build an efficient government with balanced finances that is capable of providing high-quality public services.” Former Central Bank President Arminio Fraga and Insper researcher Marcos Mendes write about the severity of the public-finance situation and propose ways to address it. “We are facing strong real growth in spending, coupled with a fiscal rule that is incapable of producing the necessary restraint. Attempts to increase the already high tax burden cannot solve the problem because spending has been growing faster than revenue. At the same time, off-budget mechanisms are being widely used to increase expenditures,” they write. Fraga and Mendes emphasize that the fiscal adjustment required to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio is about 4% of GDP—a substantial amount. They argue that no two or three fiscal measures can serve as a silver bullet. “A broad set of measures will be required, initially generating a fiscal impact of more than 1% of GDP, with the adjustment increasing over the years so that, within a 10-year horizon, we can achieve a primary surplus of nearly 4% of GDP.” According to them, “credible measures in that direction will be capable of convincing economic agents that the fiscal regime has changed. This will bring down today’s high interest rates, slow the pace of debt growth and put us on a virtuous path of fiscal adjustment and stronger potential growth.” The two economists say that “the fundamental starting point is to reverse the explosive trajectory of spending,” highlighting pension and social assistance expenditures, which account for half of primary spending, excluding interest payments. “It is not possible to continue adjusting Social Security pensions and benefits, as well as social assistance benefits such as the BPC, in line with the minimum wage, with substantial real increases every year,” they write. A partner at Pinotti & Schwartsman, Pinotti contributes a chapter on combating mafia organizations, a subject she has studied in recent years. She discusses organized crime, corruption, and the importance of adopting an anti-mafia law inspired by Italy’s experience. Pinotti highlights the costs of expanding mafia-style crime, including the obstruction of countries’ economic, social, and political development; increased corruption; the deterrence of private investment; the diversion of public funds, which undermines the quality of government services; and the weakening of institutions, eroding the foundations of democracy and trust among citizens. For the economist, “the country urgently needs an effective response to organized crime and to Brazil’s own mafias, the PCC and CV; the increasingly close ties between mafias and the political and economic powers in the countries where they operate are complex and troubling.” To underscore the problem’s harmful effects, she quotes Ignazio Visco, president of the Bank of Italy from 2011 to 2023: “The most important economic impact of crime lies not so much in the value generated by criminal organizations, but in the effects that persist over the long term—in what is not produced because of the distortions caused by the spread of crime.” The book also offers proposals to address legal uncertainty, which the editors say “reflects the deterioration of the rule of law, the unpredictability of law enforcement and unstable rules.” Attorney Roberto Delmanto Júnior, president of the Brazilian Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (Abracrim), presents six proposals to improve the justice system, including changes to the criteria for nominating the prosecutor general and justices of the Supreme Court. For the prosecutor general, he advocates a constitutional requirement that the president select a nominee from a three-person shortlist drawn up by the Federal Prosecution Service, with candidates required to have 30 years of service at the institution. For Federal Supreme Court appointments, Delmanto Júnior proposes requiring nominees to have at least 30 years of professional experience and selecting them according to the following proportions: “one-third from among justices of the Superior Court of Justice; one-third from among federal and state appellate judges; one-sixth from among career members of the Public Prosecution Service; and one-sixth from among attorneys in private practice.” In another chapter, attorney André Marsiglia also discusses judicial reform. The changes would seek to increase efficiency, strengthen legitimacy, and reduce perceptions that court decisions are politicized. To achieve those goals, he first proposes restricting the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction, focusing its work on interpreting the Constitution and addressing the most consequential constitutional issues. Another measure would depoliticize the higher courts by introducing fixed, nonrenewable terms for justices and technical, transparent nomination criteria. Another proposal is to change the composition of the higher courts through uniform merit-based criteria, broader diversity of professional experience, regular turnover, and a ban on justices holding positions on different courts simultaneously. Finally, Marsiglia advocates restricting special jurisdiction for public officials, limiting it to a small group of authorities exercising important state functions. The final chapter addresses Brazil’s need for an effective and sustainable employment and income policy that encourages the creation of formal jobs and raises productivity without undermining fiscal balance. Written by André Portela of FGV-EESP, the chapter proposes changes in five areas: promoting formal employment, vocational training and certification, job placement services, the worker protection system, and savings programs for self-employed workers and microentrepreneurs. Translation: Todd Harkin

觉得有价值?

分享给需要了解巴西市场的朋友

帮助更多中国企业看懂巴西,做成生意

China Brazil Insight · 看懂巴西,做成生意

更多专题研究见 研究中心