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巴西资讯双边贸易物流2026年7月13日

美对巴25%关税7月15日到期,大选博弈或令中资供应链承压

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Politics clouds Brazil’s bid to avert new U.S. tariff

美国对巴西301调查关税期限临近,巴西大选政治博弈可能阻碍谈判,若25%关税落地,在巴中资制造业、矿产出口及跨境电商将面临成本上升与合规不确定性。

为什么值得关注

25%关税若生效,将直接冲击在巴中资制造业、矿产出口及跨境电商的供应链成本与合规节奏,且大选政治博弈使谈判窗口收窄。

美国对巴西发起的301调查程序将于7月15日结束,拟对巴西商品加征25%关税的期限日益逼近。巴西政府已进行四轮技术谈判,试图证明美方指控缺乏依据,但政治因素正成为最大变量——巴西大选在三个月内举行,美国贸易代表办公室(USTR)可能选择维持关税以规避卷入卢拉与参议员弗拉维奥·博索纳罗之间的争端。对于在巴西布局的中资企业而言,这一关税若生效,将直接推高对美出口成本,并通过供应链传导影响在巴制造业、矿产出口及跨境电商的利润空间。

据Valor International报道,美国对巴西的301调查程序将于7月15日结束,USTR提议对巴西多种商品征收25%关税。巴西已举行四轮技术谈判,试图证明美方指控缺乏技术依据,但巴西政府内部认为,USTR可能因巴西选举政治而决定加征关税。巴西大选在三个月内举行,官员认为对USTR而言,加征关税是政治风险最小的选择,可避免卷入卢拉总统与自由党参议员弗拉维奥·博索纳罗之间的争端。若取消关税,卢拉政府可能宣称谈判说服美国让步,而弗拉维奥可能辩称其公开呼吁与白宫会谈改变了美方立场。因此,维持关税对USTR而言是避免损害自身工作的最安全方式。巴西官员预计华盛顿可能更倾向于等待选举结果,评估2027年巴西总统的立场后再决定谈判进程。若弗拉维奥·博索纳罗胜选,特朗普政府现在与卢拉达成协议存在风险,因为弗拉维奥执政可能使美巴关系更紧密,使此前对卢拉的让步在政治上不利;若卢拉连任,双方可重启谈判寻求关税豁免。巴西政府已考虑根据《经济互惠法》采取反制措施,该法于去年由国会批准,允许巴西对他国单边行动采取对等反制。

对于在巴西的中资企业,这一关税的直接影响尚未在底稿中明确列出具体行业,但通过机制可判断传导路径。首先,若25%关税生效,在巴西设厂并出口至美国的中资制造业(如电子、机械、汽车零部件)将面临成本骤升,可能被迫调整供应链或转移产能。其次,巴西对美出口的矿产(如铁矿石、稀土)若被征税,将影响中资矿业企业的利润,尤其是卢拉上周五表示巴西将对关键矿产和稀土采取新立场,并称特朗普“可能开始担心”巴西在这一领域。此外,Pix(巴西即时支付系统)被视为两国摩擦点之一,对巴西官员而言不可谈判,若关税谈判僵持,可能波及中资跨境电商的支付结算效率。巴西监管机构如CAMEX(外贸委员会)和Receita Federal(联邦税务局)可能参与反制措施的执行,中资企业需关注其对进口原材料和设备的连带影响。底稿未涉及中资企业直接影响的具体案例,但通过贸易传导机制,在巴中资的采购、出口和合规环节均可能受到冲击。

CBI解读:底稿显示,美国对巴西加征关税的决定已从技术谈判转向政治博弈,大选时间表成为核心变量。数据表明,USTR维持关税的政治成本低于取消关税,因此7月15日前达成和解的可能性较低。CBI认为,中资企业应关注两个关键节点:一是7月15日关税是否如期生效,二是巴西大选结果对美巴关系的重塑。横向对比类似事件,美国此前对印度、土耳其等国的301关税曾因政治因素延迟或调整,但巴西大选的特殊性在于,两位主要候选人(卢拉与弗拉维奥)对美立场差异显著,可能导致关税成为选举工具。CBI观察,巴西政府已用尽谈判选项,但美方从未明确谈判内容,这使得中资企业难以提前制定对冲策略。

待观察:1)7月15日USTR是否正式宣布加征关税,以及是否包含豁免清单;2)巴西大选前,卢拉与弗拉维奥是否会就关税问题发表进一步声明,影响市场预期;3)巴西国会是否启动《经济互惠法》反制程序,以及具体针对哪些美国商品。

CBI 观察编辑判断

底稿显示,USTR维持关税的政治风险低于取消关税,因此7月15日前达成和解的可能性较低。CBI认为,中资企业应关注大选结果对美巴关系的重塑,并提前评估反制措施对进口环节的传导影响。

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信息概要

类型
风险事件
方向
双边
分类
贸易物流
层级
编辑整理
地点
在巴中资制造业(电子、机械、汽车零部件)、矿产出口企业(铁矿石、稀土)、跨境电商
核验
待核验
对象
在巴中资制造业企业矿产与稀土出口商跨境电商与支付平台
话题
贸易政策政治

来源信息

来源
Valor International
原文标题
Politics clouds Brazil’s bid to avert new U.S. tariff
原始语言
英语
原文链接
查看原文 →
编辑
Clara Lin
查看原文(英语

Politics clouds Brazil’s bid to avert new U.S. tariff

Donald Trump and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva Ricardo Stuckert/PR With the U.S. Section 301 process due to conclude on July 15, political considerations may derail Brazil’s efforts to secure a negotiated settlement. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s government is now preparing for Washington to impose the proposed 25% levy. Brazil has held four rounds of technical talks and sought to show that the U.S. allegations lack a sound technical basis. Even so, the federal government believes the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) may allow Brazil’s electoral calendar to influence its decision. The agency has proposed a 25% tariff on a broad range of Brazilian goods following its Section 301 investigation. With Brazil’s election less than three months away, officials believe the least politically risky option for the USTR would be to impose the tariff, avoiding deeper involvement in the dispute between President Lula and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party (PL) from Rio de Janeiro. Business groups urge U.S., Brazil to strike tariff deal U.S. share of Brazil trade hits record low in first half Dropping the levy would allow Lula’s Workers’ Party government to claim that negotiations between the two administrations persuaded the United States to back down. Meanwhile, Flávio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, could argue that Washington changed course because of his public appeal last week and his talks with White House officials. Keeping the tariff would therefore be the safest way for the USTR to avoid undermining its own work. Election calculations Brazilian officials expect Washington may prefer to await the election result and assess the profile of the country’s president in 2027 before deciding how to proceed with negotiations. Officials at the presidential palace see a risk for the Donald Trump administration in reaching an agreement with Lula now if the PL senator wins the election. A Flávio Bolsonaro presidency would probably bring the two countries into closer alignment from 2027, potentially making any earlier concessions to President Lula politically disadvantageous for Washington. A Lula victory would create a different scenario. Brazil and the United States could then resume talks with a view to negotiating exemptions from the tariff. The government had initially expected to submit a list of proposed exemptions now, following a strategy similar to the one adopted after Trump announced his first round of tariffs in July last year. With the election approaching, however, some Brazilian negotiators see little room at present to discuss exemptions or other forms of relief with the White House. The government is also wary of taking steps that could appear to validate the arguments used by the United States to justify the 25% tariff. Although one wing of the administration is already discussing the potential consequences of the levy, Brazilian negotiators say they will continue pressing Washington until July 15 not to implement it. Another group still sees a possibility that the tariff may not take effect and that the United States could stop focusing the negotiations on Pix. Brazil’s instant-payment system is considered one of the main points of friction between the countries and is non-negotiable for Brazilian officials. The proposed tariff has become increasingly entangled with Brazil’s presidential race, while Flávio has publicly sought a delay in its implementation. Public resistance Despite its skepticism about the talks, the government will continue voicing its opposition to the tariffs. The presidential palace is expected to maintain that the levy is unjustifiable while continuing to call for dialogue with the U.S. The Lula administration believes it exhausted the available options at the negotiating table. From the outset of the discussions, Brazil presented technical arguments and economic data intended to show that tariffs on Brazilian products were unwarranted. Those efforts were not enough to change the U.S. position, partly because Washington has never made clear what it was prepared to negotiate. A potential conversation between President Lula and President Donald Trump was also seen as unlikely to produce practical results because both leaders had already delegated the discussions to their technical teams. With the two countries unable to reach common ground, the presidents resumed trading accusations. On Friday (10), Lula said Brazil would adopt a new stance on critical minerals and rare earths. He added that Trump “may start becoming concerned” about Brazil in this area, rather than focusing solely on China, the leading producer of those materials. Possible retaliation Valor has learned that pressure may grow for the Brazilian government to invoke reciprocal measures under the Economic Reciprocity Law. Approved by Congress last year, the legislation allows Brazil to adopt countermeasures in response to unilateral action by other countries. Government officials nevertheless consider the debate premature. Before determining any response, Brazil would need to know the exact scope of the measures announced by the U.S. Any retaliation would not be immediate and could take two to three months. Welber Barral, a former foreign trade secretary and partner at BMJ Consultores, said the outcome of the Section 301 process will ultimately depend on Trump. Formally, the U.S. government could extend the investigation or request additional information, Barral said. “But it depends on what is going through Trump’s mind.” Brazil’s electoral calendar also complicates the negotiations, he said. Some of the issues of greatest interest to the U.S., including critical minerals and digital trade, require legislative changes that Congress would be unlikely to approve this year. Barral also said conflicting positions within Brazil weaken the country’s negotiating strategy. Commenting on Flávio Bolsonaro’s involvement in the talks, he said the initiative may have resonated only with the senator’s own voters. “It is interesting that Flávio’s participation may have helped him with his voters, but it had no effect whatsoever on the U.S. government,” Barral said. Tariff relief Despite the government’s more skeptical assessment, Barral believes the Brazilian administration could still seek a lower tariff or a broader list of exempt products, following the approach used in response to Trump’s first major tariff package. The National Confederation of Industry (CNI) also argues that the Lula government should pursue several fronts simultaneously. These include using evidence to demonstrate the effects of the measures on U.S. supply chains, companies and consumers, while seeking additional exemptions for Brazilian products. The organization also supports stronger engagement with government and business representatives in the United States, as well as progress in bilateral negotiations aimed at eliminating the additional tariffs. In a letter to the Brazilian and U.S. governments, Amcham Brasil, CNI and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce proposed a two-stage negotiating agenda. The first stage would seek a negotiated resolution to the Section 301 dispute, followed by deeper bilateral engagement on strategic issues.

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