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巴西资讯巴西宏观市场2026年8月19日

巴西大选候选人20年首降,中资企业需重估国会游说格局

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Fewer candidates run in Brazil’s 2026 elections as rules reshape races

巴西2026年大选登记候选人较2022年减少近30%,政党联盟禁令与资金集中化是主因。对在巴中资企业而言,国会席位更替率下降意味着既有政策关系网络可能固化,合规与游说策略需相应调整。

为什么值得关注

巴西国会席位更替率下降,中资企业需调整政策游说与合规策略,聚焦政党领导层和现任议员渠道。

巴西高等选举法院(TSE)数据显示,2026年大选登记候选人总数为20,575人,较2022年的29,262人下降29.7%,为20年来首次下滑。候选人登记截止日为8月15日,数据截至8月18日。政党数量从32个减至30个,政党联邦从3个增至5个,涉及11个政党。选举基金今年分配49亿雷亚尔,与2022年名义持平。对在巴中资企业而言,候选人结构变化将直接影响国会立法偏好与预算分配格局,需关注政策连续性风险。

根据巴西高等选举法院(TSE)数据,2026年大选登记候选人总数为20,575人,较2022年的29,262人下降29.7%,为20年来首次下滑。候选人登记截止日为8月15日,数据截至8月18日,最终数字可能因挑战或拒绝而变动。政党数量从32个减至30个,政党联邦从3个增至5个,涉及11个政党。选举基金今年分配49亿雷亚尔,与2022年名义金额基本持平。政治学家Luciana Veiga(FGV和UniRio教授)表示,联盟的终结是决定性因素,系统通过减少政党和候选人数量来回应,选择倾向于可治理性。圣保罗大学政治学家Glauco Peres da Silva指出,政党联邦增加和竞选资金集中于政党领导层也导致候选人减少。

底稿未直接涉及中资企业影响,但通过国会权力结构变化间接传导。候选人减少与现任议员通过国会预算修正案集中权力相关——国会控制2026年610亿雷亚尔联邦投资,包括分配给众议员的205亿雷亚尔非预算修正案。这意味着现任议员在分配公共资源方面话语权增强,对依赖政府采购、基础设施投资或行业补贴的中资企业而言,与现任议员及其政党网络的沟通效率可能比以往更为关键。涉及巴西监管机构包括国会(预算审批)、联邦法院(选举规则解释)及TSE(选举执行)。

底稿显示,2017年选举改革(宪法修正案第97号)禁止比例选举中的政党联盟,并限制政党联邦运作,是候选人减少的制度性原因。自2020年规则生效以来,每个政党可提名相当于竞争席位100%加一的候选人,此前可提名150%,联盟可提名200%。CBI认为,这一变化并非简单的政治参与萎缩,而是巴西政治体系从碎片化向集中化演进的信号。政党联邦从3个增至5个,表面看是联合增多,实则是在更严格规则下的资源整合。对中资企业而言,这意味着过去通过多党分散接触获取政策影响力的模式效率可能下降,需要更聚焦于核心政党领导层和现任议员的沟通渠道。

待观察:一、TSE最终确认的候选人名单是否因司法挑战出现变动,预计未来数周内公布;二、10月首轮投票后国会席位分布变化,特别是政党联邦内部席位分配是否影响立法议程;三、2027年预算编制中国会非预算修正案金额是否延续增长趋势,这将直接影响中资企业参与的基础设施和行业补贴项目空间。

CBI 观察编辑判断

事实层面,候选人数量下降与选举基金集中化、政党联盟禁令直接相关,数据来源为TSE和Valor International。CBI认为,这一趋势将强化现任议员在预算分配中的议价能力,中资企业参与巴西公共项目时需更重视与现任议员的长期关系维护,而非依赖选举更替带来的政策窗口。

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信息概要

类型
监管变化
方向
巴西
分类
宏观市场
层级
编辑整理
地点
在巴中资企业,特别是依赖政府采购、基础设施投资和行业补贴的行业。
核验
待核验
对象
在巴中资企业投资者税务合规负责人
话题
政治政策

来源信息

来源
Valor International
原文标题
Fewer candidates run in Brazil’s 2026 elections as rules reshape races
原始语言
英语
原文链接
查看原文 →
编辑
Clara Lin
查看原文(英语

Fewer candidates run in Brazil’s 2026 elections as rules reshape races

2026 Elections: compared with 2022, number of candidates fell from 29,262 to 20,575, according to the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) Foto: Divulgação/TSE/Foto: Divulgação/TSE Changes to the rules governing political parties and federations, the concentration of financial power within party leadership, and low expectations of turnover in the Chamber of Deputies have reduced the number of registered candidates in Brazil’s general elections for the first time in 20 years. Compared with 2022, the decline was sharp, from 29,262 to 20,575 candidates, according to data from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE). “The end of coalitions was decisive. The system has responded by reducing the number of parties, both in the states and in the Chamber. There has also been a decline in the number of candidates, even more pronounced in city council and state legislative races. The choice was made in favor of governability,” said political scientist Luciana Veiga, a professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV) and the Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro (UniRio). Electoral Court considers tougher rules after AI-generated Bolsonaro video Election authorities unprepared for AI, expert says Femicide emerges as key issue in Brazil’s 2026 election The number of parties fell from 32 to 30 over the four years, while the number of party federations rose from three to five, involving 11 parties. The ban on coalitions in proportional elections—for members of the Chamber of Deputies and city councils—and restrictions on party federations are among the main reasons for the decline in the number of candidates in the 2026 elections. Since the changes took effect in 2020, each party has been allowed to field candidates equivalent to 100% of the seats being contested, plus one. The same rule applies to party federations, such as Progressist Union, formed by Brazil Union and the Progressive Party (PP), which are treated as a single party for this purpose. Previously, parties could field candidates for up to 150% of the seats, while coalitions could field up to 200%. The 2026 figures are based on registration requests processed by the TSE through Tuesday (18), after the deadline for filing candidacies expired Saturday (15). The figures may still change as candidacies are challenged or rejected. Valor used data from the same stage of the electoral process dating back to 2002 as a basis for comparison. This century, the only previous decline was a slight drop between 2002 and 2006, followed by sharp increases in the 2018 and 2022 elections. The decline was an expected consequence of the 2017 electoral overhaul. Constitutional Amendment 97, approved that year, banned party coalitions in proportional elections for members of the Lower House and city councils. The goal was to reduce fragmentation in Brazil’s party system and encourage consolidation into a smaller number of parties. The electoral performance threshold, also known as the barrier clause, serves a similar purpose by tying access to the annual Party Fund and mandatory free television and radio advertising time to a party’s electoral performance. Political scientist Glauco Peres da Silva of the University of São Paulo (USP) believes the increase in party federations, from three to five, also played a role. The three federations created in 2022, comprising seven parties, remain active because the law requires them to stay together for at least four years. But he offers another explanation, particularly for the decline in the number of candidates for the Chamber: the concentration of control over campaign funding in party leadership since the Electoral Fund was created in 2017. “Campaign financing is now concentrated in the hands of the parties. Fewer people, fewer outsiders can run because they are unable to seek funding other than from individuals, since companies can no longer fund campaigns,” Peres da Silva said. “Either you have good connections within your party, or you won’t be able to fund your campaign.” This year, the Electoral Fund is distributing R$4.9 billion, virtually the same nominal amount as in 2022. The fund was created as part of the 2017 electoral overhaul, after the Federal Supreme Court (STF) ruled in 2015, in the wake of the anti-corruption task force Car Wash, that corporate campaign donations were unconstitutional. Another factor making it harder to renew the Chamber is the concentration of power among incumbents through congressional earmarks. Congress controls R$61 billion in federal investment in 2026, including R$20.5 billion in non-budget earmarks allocated to members of the Chamber. “Lawmakers have gained a great deal of visibility through non-budget earmarks, as well as many opportunities to connect with voters through social media and publicize every stage of it, from receiving requests to securing the funds, carrying out the project and inaugurating it,” Veiga said, describing what she calls the digital “performance of representation.” “At every stage, lawmakers add value to their public image,” she said. Another possible consequence of the changes to electoral legislation is reduced representation of minorities, including women and Black Brazilians. “It is an unintended but expected effect. In a sense, this decline in representation was the price to be paid for governability,” Veiga said, referring to the reduction in the number of parties. In 2026, the number of women candidates declined in races for nearly every office, with the exception of the Senate, where it reached a record 69. A total of 7,144 women are running this year, compared with 9,890 in 2022. The drop is significant, but their share of all candidates has remained broadly stable: women account for 34.8% of candidates, compared with 33.8% in 2022. Since 2009, parties have been required to reserve 30% of their candidacies for women in proportional elections. Following rulings by the TSE and STF in 2018, parties must also allocate 30% of their campaign funds to women candidates, but the requirement is frequently violated or circumvented through accounting maneuvers. Another factor discouraging women from running for office, according to Veiga, is political violence against women, which has intensified and spread on social media. “That frightens women, as they want to protect their families.” A study by the Observatory of Political and Electoral Violence covering April through June 2026 found that 54% of cases involving women were classified as semiotic violence, generally through social media, followed by psychological violence at 25%, and physical violence at 21%. Male politicians are the largest group of victims of physical political violence.

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